The Nakba in Israeli textbooks and official discourse
Ben White, The Electronic Intifada, Aug 2, 2007
The contents of school textbooks in Palestine/Israel have often been
the cause of controversy, normally when a report is published
purporting to reveal "shocking revelations" about the alleged
indoctrination of Palestinian schoolchildren. Last week, however, it
was Israeli textbooks in the spotlight, as the Ministry of Education
approved a new textbook with a difference. As the BBC reported, "for
the first time" the "Palestinian denunciation of the creation of Israel
in 1948" had been included. This incident afforded a perfect
opportunity for seeing how the
Nakba
-- what Palestinians called their expulsion by Zionist forces from
their homes and villages in what is now Israel during 1947-48 -- is
viewed by "official" discourse in the West (through the filter of the
mainstream media), and within Israel itself.
Most mainstream news stories about the Israeli textbook were infused
with a positive tone, and typical headlines described the development
as "acknowledging" Palestinian suffering, "adding perspective," or
"admitting" the Palestinian view (
LA Times-Washington Post,
San Francisco Gate,
Sydney Morning Herald). Taking the online BBC report as an example,
however, we find that this apparent move towards objectivity is deeply
problematic. In fact, the closer we look, the more we find that the
official discourse about 1948 is still bound by Zionism-forged fetters.
The center of the controversy is the inclusion of the "Palestinian
denunciation of the creation of Israel in 1948," and, that the new book
"notes that Palestinians describe the event as a 'catastrophe.'" But
notice that the Palestinians, even here as victims of misdeeds rather
than the perpetrators, are colonized subjects whose counter-history can
only exist as a negation of the official narrative. The Palestinian
"Catastrophe" was not "the creation of Israel;" it was the forcible
dispossession of more than half of Palestine's population and the
shattering of a society by an ethno-supremacist colonial-settler state.
Any references to the documented massacres and expulsions by Jewish
militias are entirely absent. The Palestinian exodus is without agency,
a passive product of Israel's "independence war." Here, the BBC is
actually more conservative than the Israeli education ministry itself,
which at least is quoted as saying that the new textbook relates how
"some of the Palestinians were expelled following the War of
Independence and that many Arab-owned lands were confiscated."
The Associated Press report goes a bit further than the BBC, noting the
work of "several Israeli historians" who have claimed that "while many
Palestinians did flee of their own accord, many others were forced from
their homes as fighting raged and then never allowed back because the
nascent Jewish state feared it would be swamped by refugees." It is a
perfect example of surface balance disguising gross misrepresentation
(even of the very research cited by the article). The Palestinians who
fled "of their own accord," did so in fear that they would be subjected
to the same campaign of mass killings and rapes that befell so many
Palestinian villages; hardly a "free choice." Moreover, the nascent
Israeli state expelled Palestinians before, during, and after the "war
of independence," not, as the report coyly suggests, "as fighting
raged." Crucially, the question as to why a state would fear being
swamped by refugees is not mentioned, since the rather indigestible
answer would be that they were not Jewish.
Yet such indelicate matters are entirely familiar in Israeli society,
whether it is the newspaper editorials, on the street, or in the
Knesset. Israeli reactions to the new textbook offered a fascinating
glimpse into contemporary Zionism, and its "contradictions" that
condemn true believers to "protracted madness," as espoused by Haim
Hanegbi in
Haaretz,
8 December 2003. Firstly, the Israeli government was at pains to stress
how the offending book would only be used in "Israeli Arab" schools.
This is important, and seems to suggest that whatever other purpose is
being pursued here, it is certainly not a desire for the propagation of
historical truth. The argument that this was merely an exercise in
cultural accommodation is supported by Education Minister Yuli Tamir
herself, who even went so far in her efforts to placate the Zionist
right that she claimed including the term "
Nakba" was a mere
quibble of translation. But is it right to say that the decision to
limit the textbook to the Palestinian community within Israel is
because the Zionist discourse denies the "original sin?" Not quite.
Strategic Affairs Minister
Avigdor Lieberman,
a standard-bearer of the modern Zionist right, lambasted the textbook,
bemoaning "the masochism and defeatism of the Israeli left, which
constantly seeks to apologize, while we did what we had to." In this
short, angry retort, Zionism's internal tensions, and the relationship
between ideology and narrative, are laid bare. For the Zionist right,
the textbook is to be denounced, not because it is peddling untruths,
but rather because doing "what we had to" -- the ethnic cleansing
required to secure a Jewish-majority state in Palestine -- is
condemned. The Zionist left, meanwhile, as Lieberman actually correctly
points out, is happy to apologize for the
Nakba, without
lifting a finger towards actual restitution -- much less unpicking the
ethno-supremacist fabric of the Zionist state. There is a further
curiosity however. Likud MK Limor Livnat warned that the new addition
to the textbook would "encourage Arabs to take up arms against Israel":
...
once the Arab pupils are taught that the establishment of Israel was a
disaster, they might infer that they should be fighting against us ...
our very own educational system may be raising a fifth column.
There
is a presumption here that the textbook itself will be a sufficient
incitement to treasonous violence. One right-wing blogger berated the
move as guaranteeing that Israeli will face a "new generation of
terrorists" in its midst. It is as if the Palestinians living in Israel
had to be reminded of the expulsion of their kin, their status as
second class citizens, and the continued existential threat to their
very presence in the land. It is reminiscent of complaints in
right-wing American circles that publicizing photographic or documented
evidence of US atrocities in Iraq is more likely to result in a
backlash than the crimes themselves (as if a tortured Iraqi needs a
Human Rights Watch report to authenticate his scars).
It has been noted before that public conversation in Israel allows for
a far more penetrating critique of Zionism than can be even hinted at
in the US public sphere. The story of the textbook bears this out, and
should also be a reminder that next year's 60th anniversary of the
Nakba
is a vital opportunity for education and awareness-raising. The
textbook controversy also highlights the fundamental contradictions
found throughout the Zionist spectrum in Israel, inconsistencies that
may very well prove fatal. To go back to Haim Hanegbi in
Haaretz:It's
impossible to live like this. It's impossible to live with such a
tremendous wrong. It's impossible to live with such conflicting moral
criteria ... I have to conclude that there is something very deep here
in our attitude to the indigenous people of this land that drives us
out of our minds. There is something gigantic here that doesn't allow
us truly to recognize the Palestinians, that doesn't allow us to make
peace with them. And that something has to do with the fact that even
before the return of the land and the houses and the money, the
settlers' first act of expiation toward the natives of this land must
be to restore to them their dignity, their memory, their justness.